Showing posts with label Japan. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Japan. Show all posts

14 June 2024

Movie review: Noryang: Deadly Sea


The sequel to The Admiral: Roaring Currents and Hansan: Rising Dragon, and the epic finale of Yi Sun-sin trilogy, is finally released digitally! Being the Imjin War enthusiast that I am, of course I wouldn't pass up the chance to review what director Kim Han-min has in store for his audience!

A bit of running joke: Hey, it's commander Yi Ung-ryong (이운룡 or 李雲龍) again! Reprised by the same actor! For reasons unknown he is always the first Joseon commander I recognise.
Noryang: Deadly Sea revolves around the titular Battle of Noryang, the last major battle of Imjin War and the climax of the entire war. This makes it a much easier battle to adapt into a good story/movie, which allows the movie to be largely (albeit not completely) free of the numerous narrative problems that plagued Hansan: Rising Dragon. This is not to say Noryang: Deadly Sea is superior to its prequel, however. In many ways, it is worse.

(Major spoilers ahead, be warned!)

Production issues

The perk of Hanzi writing system: Korean and Chinese communicating by writing is both historically accurate and a great chance to have narrator and actors speak Korean without looking out of place. Unfortunately, the director insisted on using cringe Chinese even when Chinese characters are not verbally communicating. 
Production issues are the least of the movie's many problems, so I am going to mention them first. My first complaint about Noryang: Deadly Sea is that the Chinese language in this movie is atrociously cringe to a native speaker, to the point that I must pause the movie to clear my head every time anyone speaks any Chinese. To be fair, this isn't really a production issue per se (all actors are Korean so it's understandable that they can't speak Chinese), although the production team really should consider hiring some Chinese actors or just dub over the Chinese part.

Yi Sun-sin vomiting blood.
Personal gripe with the language aside, there are definitely some pacing issues with the movie. This is particularly egregious during a scene where the titular character, Yi Sun-shin (이순신 or 李舜臣) suddenly sees hallucination of his deceased son, calls out the names of his comrades one by one as if bidding farewell to them, and vomits blood out of nowhere—BEFORE he was fatally shot by a Japanese gunner. I have a sneaking suspicion that executive meddling forced the director to pad out the length of his movie to the detriment of storytelling. In any case, pacing issues will likely be fixed if the director later releases a Redux/director's cut version of the movie like he did for Hansan: Rising Dragon.

Ming soldiers beating Japanese captives to a pulp.
Thirdly, remember that I said I enjoyed the build-up portion of Hansan: Rising Dragons for all the wrong reasons? Well, the build-up portion of Noryang: Deadly Sea is largely free of the narrative issues of its prequel, but this ironically means that it now bores me to death, as I no longer have any reason, not even wrong one, to enjoy this convoluted mess. I am not even sure if the flashback and minor plot of Yi Sun-sin's dead son is really necessary when the central theme of the story isn't that of personal vendetta, but "to end the war on our terms we must pursue the enemy to the very edge of the (Japanese) archipelago.". Speaking of which, I am well aware this that this is a nationalistic movie and all, but surely such vindictive message can't be the right moral to convey to the audience?

Sea of inferno: Battle of Noryang on the silver screen

Joseon fleet splitting the Japanese fleet in two. Depiction of pre-modern naval battle of such scale, in complete darkness no less, is probably an industry's first.
Historical accounts of Battle of Noryang are rather light on finer details, which give plenty of room for creative liberty. For example, there's nothing in the historical records that describes the Koreans deploying hwacha during this battle, or the Japanese using captured cannons to sink turtle ships, but there's nothing to suggest they DIDN'T either. Thus, free from historical restrictions such as Yi Sun-sin's famous Hak Ik-jin (鶴翼陣), the director was able to let his imagination run wild, and I commend him for delivering such blood-pumping battle sequences. Moreover, barring a few exceptions all characters acted in a mostly logical and coherent manner, and the battle tactics and counter-tactics sensible and convincing, both of which make for an enjoyable watching experience. Regrettably, later portion of the naval action was overshadowed by overly drawn-out, soap opera-esque montages of Yi Sun-sin's final moments and death, although this doesn't detract from the fact that it was great while it lasted.

Nevertheless, despite the enjoyable battle scenes, there are indeed some exceptions, or one might say plot holes, that detract from the overall story. Chief among them are the war fleet of Konishi Yukinaga (小西行長), Chen Lin acting out of character, and the battle that ends at dawn. They will be elaborated below:

Konishi Yukinaga's pristine war fleet

Konishi Yukinaga's fleet.
The story begins with Konishi Yukinaga holed up inside Suncheon Castle due to a joint Ming-Joseon naval blockade, with supply running so low his soldiers were on the verge of resorting to cannibalism. If that is the case, then where did he find/hide such a massive fleet of warships? And why didn't Yi Sun-sin do something about these ships before they become a problem, i.e. destroy them during the blockade?

Chen Lin acting out of character

Chen Lin ordering Ming navy to attack.
In this film, Ming admiral Chen Lin is portrayed as a calculating coward that took bribes and spent the better part of the film trying to distance himself from Yi Sun-sin's war to avoid more bloodshed. Yet during a crucial moment he suddenly ordered Ming navy to press the attack seriously, only to end up with his own flagship boarded by the Japanese. This abrupt change of mind is entirely out of character for Chen Lin's risk-averse portrayal up until that point, and it appears that the director forcibly handed him an idiot ball for no reason other than to set up a "Yi Sun-sin heroically save the Ming admiral from danger" moment.

The battle that ends at dawn

Yi Sun-sin's plan to annihilate Shimazu Yoshihiro's fleet before dawn.
Having the epic struggle to be over by daybreak gives a nice touch of symbolism, signifying the nightmare that terrorised Korea for the past seven years is finally over, and new hope arise. Historically, the turning point of  Battle of Noryang also happened around dawn (although the battle itself continued well into the morning), so that checks out. So why is this a problem?

Shimazu Yoshihiro's subordinate urges him to retreat because "time is running out".

Konishi Yukinaga sounds the retreat, leaving Shimazu Yoshihiro out to dry.
Well, the time when the battle ended isn't a problem. It's only when Yi Sun-sin explicitly set a time limit that he must defeat the Japanese before dawn, Shimazu Yoshihiro became increasingly agitated as daybreak drew near, and Konishi Yukinaga acted as if he was too late after arriving at the scene by dawn, that it become problematic. Why? Because while the battle happens to be over by dawn, there isn't any particular reason that it couldn't, or shouldn't, go on for longer. In essence, by racing against this arbitrary time limit, the characters both good and bad are making decisions based on out-of-story knowledge they couldn't possibly know.

As to why serious plot holes like this can crop up in an otherwise fairly coherent story, this brings me to my next point...

Stolen shine: a sad attempt at ego-boosting

Yi Sun-sin beating the war drum.
At its core, Noryang: Deadly Sea is a nationalistic flick under the guise of historical movie. Attempts to shape the titular hero Yi Sun-sin into a saint among men, and to a lesser extend make the Koreans look good and heroic while everyone else either bad or helpless, permeate throughout the story, dialogues, and character portrayals, some overt, other indirect and subtle. Naturally, in such work historical realities are more of a hindrance than a boon. They are inconvenient truth that must be distorted to serve the narrative, not the other way around.

Shimazu Yoshihiro reading the secret letter sent to him by Konishi Yukinaga.
To illustrate, in a secret letter Konishi Yukinaga warned Shimazu Yoshihiro that Yi Sun-sin might counter-invade Japan after the war. This obviously untrue statement may appear to be just another off-handed chest thumping to make Yi Sun-sin look good and Joseon Kingdom appear more powerful than it really was (which is usually par of the course for a nationalistic movie but relatively harmless, although not in this case), however it actually underpins much of the history distortions that shape the movie's story, and the plot holes that come with such alterations. 

You see, in the historical version of Battle of Noryang, Konishi Yukinaga simply packed up and slipped away from Suncheon Castle while the battle raged on. However, in order to glorify Yi Sun-sin, the director made him a dangerous commander that the Japanese simply could not ignore (even after they lost the war), necessitating the antagonists to hatch a nefarious plot to defeat him, which in turn necessitating Konishi Yukinaga to conjure a war fleet out of thin air to threaten Yi Sun-sin with. Thus, a plot hole came into being. 

It also necessitates Yi Sun-sin using decoys to delay Konishi Yukinaga, rather than...you know, smash his idle fleet before he had a chance to use it.
Likewise, that Chen Lin was the supreme commander that led the allied navy to victory during Battle of Noryang, and Ming navy actually did most of the legworks during the battle, are all inconvenient historical facts to the director's story that must be written off/away. There's a reason why Battle of Noryang played out so differently from Yi Sun-sin's other naval victories, for instance the unusually heavy use of incendiary weapons, little aversion to boarding combat, and the main artillery being Chinese Hu Dun Pao (虎蹲砲) rather than the usual Joseon Chongtong (총통 or 銃筒). But nope, can't have that, Yi Sun-sin must hoard all the spotlights! So Chen Lin is portrayed as a coward that tried to avoid battle at all cost, while Chinese Huo Qiu (火毬) and Pen Tong (噴筒) are being replaced by unimaginative oil pots hand-thrown by Joseon troops then ignited with fire arrows. 

Had Chen Lin not been portrayed as a coward, the scene where his ship was boarded by the Japanese and he was saved by Yi Sun-sin would've flowed far more naturally. Unfortunately, the director wanted to have his cake and eat it too, so he forced Chen Lin to abruptly change from a coward to a Leeroy Jenkins in the span of like two scenes, so that Yi Sun-sin can look good by heroically saving his inept Chinese ally from danger, plot hole be damned. Historically, it was Yi Sun-sin's ship that got surrounded by the Japanese first, then Chen Lin charged in to save Yi Sun-sin, only to cause the Japanese to switch target and surround him instead. The freed Yi Sun-sin then returned to help Chen Lin, and the two fought side by side until dawn. Alas, such moving tale of fire-forged camaraderie, butchered into a plot hole-ridden ego boosting.

And what about the dawn?

The breaking of the dawn.
By itself, various characters in the movie subconsciously racing against an arbitrary time limit is a relatively minor problem, more of a director oversight or dialogue slip than a story-ruining plot hole. However, the fact that such oversight can exist in the first place shows that the director probably did his historical homework—but chose to discard historical events that inconvenience his narrative anyway. Why? Because one notable event did take place at dawn—Deng Zilong (鄧子龍) came in gun blazing and saved the day!

Deng Zilong, an old soldier by the time of his death (he used to be a commander but was demoted to the rank of common soldier before entering Korea), was the last of the major characters to join the fray, but the first to set fire to Japanese warships. His success prompted Chen Lin and other Ming ships to follow suit with their own incendiary weapons, and this was what caused the Japanese to finally break ranks and flee. Unfortunately, his ship was hit by friendly fire during pursuit, and the ensuing chaos allowed Japanese troops to board the vessel and kill nearly all hands aboard. Due to Deng Zilong's low rank (at the time) and relative obscurity, the Japanese didn't realise they had killed someone of significance until centuries later, so no one at the time claimed credit for his death. 

Deceased son ex machina
Drum-inflicted PTSD.
Bah, can't have that either. There's no way the director will allow another heroic sacrifice to detract from Yi Sun-sin's own, so nothing in particular happened at dawn in the film (despite everyone keeping track of the time limit). Well, nothing except Yi Sun-sin suddenly saw a vision of his deceased son who prompted him to start beating the war drum, and this inspired the good guys to fight harder while inflicting a psychological meltdown on the villain Shimazu Yoshihiro so horrid he ran to cower in his room and literally start vomiting (no really).

Deng Zilong getting his head sliced off by Shimazu Yoshihiro.
As for Deng Zilong, he was reduced by director to what can be described as "Yi Sun-sin's believer", an inferior who was "redeemed" and was so devout to the hero that he put him above all others and strove to emulate him, going so far as to confronting his own superior and attacking without order. Too bad the hero's imitator is not the hero himself, so Deng Zilong died an unceremonious death without accomplishing anything.

Chen Chan died a speed bump to Shimzau Yoshihiro's villainy.
Shen Li getting shanked by Japanese troops.
Moreover, as if Deng Zilong's death still wasn't enough to rub it in, the director then decided to kill off minor Ming commander Chen Chan (陳蠶) to re-emphasise Chinese incompetence, and make another minor Ming commander Shen Li (沈理) undergo some kind of foxhole conversion (except he didn't convert to Christianity but to Yi Sun-sin), and found redemption in valiant death—better to die fighting like a Korean than live like a coward! Never mind that both of them survived the war, and Chen Chan even stayed in Korea for two more years (he returned to China in 1600). Because why let history get in the way of the stirring tall tale of our lord and saviour Yi Sun-sin?

I know, Noryang: Deadly Sea is a nationalistic movie, so some measures of embellishment and glorifications of the titular hero are inevitable. But doing it in such blatantly denigrating manner, even to allies, it just seems so uncouth...tactless and petty.

Further reading

My patrons get an one month early access to the additional commentary and trivia that I've write for this movie, which is now open to public and can be accessed here! If you like my work, please support me via Patreon!

An exclusive brief overview of Yi Sun-sin's contribution to Imjin War article is also available to my Supporter-tier Patrons!

22 May 2024

Patreon supporter only: Xu Chao Guang (許朝光), Yelang Beyond the Sea

Wokou engaging in rape and pillage, from 'Tai Ping Kang Wo Tu (《太平抗倭圖》)'.
In the previous months I've covered some Jia Jing Da Wo Kou (嘉靖大倭寇) topics, namely Zhang Lian (張璉), who was a mountain bandit being mistaken as Wokou, as well as Twenty-four Generals of Yue Gang (月港), who were a rare case of grassroots attempt to participate in smuggling/piratical activities. For this article though, I will cover another famous pirate lord named Xu Chao Guang (許朝光). In many ways, Xu Chao Guang was a quintessential Wokou, however he only became active during the later phases of Jia Jing Da Wo Kou, when Ming coastal defence began to improve, many notorious Chinese Wokou leaders had been wiped out, and the inflow of Japanese Wokou began to dry out. Thus, his piratical activities showed signs of transitioning from Wokou/Japanese-based piracy practices into Chinese-style piracy.

This article is exclusive to my Supporter-tier Patrons and can be accessed here. If you like my work, please support me via Patreon!

15 October 2023

Patreon supporter only: The twenty-four generals of Yue Gang (月港)

Scenic photo of Yuegang Ancient Town, now a tourist attraction.
Several months ago I explored the story of Zhang Lian (張璉), self-appointed Flying Dragon Emperor, which provides us a rare and interesting case study of a Chinese-led rebellion during Jia Jing Da Wo Kou (嘉靖大倭寇), and how different it was compared to Japanese-style Wokou raids that happened contemporaneously. For this month we will be looking at Twenty-four generals of Yue Gang (月港, lit. 'Moon harbour'), who despite their fancy name were bona fide smugglers, but of a very different nature to typical Chinese collaborators of Wokou.

28 November 2022

Movie review: Hansan: Rising Dragon


As someone with a deep interest in Imjin War, I actually enjoyed Hansan: Rising Dragon way more that I thought I would, even though objectively speaking Hansan: Rising Dragon isn't nearly as good as its critically acclaimed previous installment, The Admiral: Roaring Currents. The main reason, I think, is because I only had passing knowledge about Imjin War back then, so my excitement of watching historical events unfold in the movie wasn't as high as I do now.

My first "ha, I know that guy!" moment to the film is the debut of young naval commander Yi Un-ryong (이운룡 or 李雲龍). If only he was as heroic and good-looking during Siege of Ulsan as he did in this film...
As with most big-budget Korean films, production quality of Hansan: Rising Dragon is top notch, and I dare say in general Korea produces far better historical epics than both China and Japan. That said, the director Kim Han-min really picked a difficult battle to adapt. Whereas The Admiral: Roaring Currents focus on the struggle of Yi Sun-sin (이순신 or 李舜臣) against overwhelming odds during Battle of Myeongnyang, which greatly humanised the legendary hero and makes for a compelling story, Hansan: Rising Dragon is set during Battle of Hansan Island, of which the Koreans smoked the Japanese without much trouble, and there wasn't much of anything interesting to tell. Throughout the film I can really see the director pulls out all the stops and crammed as many artistic licenses as possible just to make the story more palatable. This ironically makes the planning, espionage and build-up of the first half far more interesting and entertaining to me than the climactic naval action of the second half, and for all the wrong reasons.

(Major spoilers ahead, be warned!)

27 September 2022

Patreon post: Flaws and gaps of samurai armour

 

This article is a continuation of my previous armour comparison blog post, exploring various gaps and weakness of Japanese armour. The article is available to my patrons one month early, but it is open to public now!

The article can be accessed here. If you like my work, please support me via Patreon!

24 May 2022

Infantry formations of the Imjin War — Part 1

1. Zhejiang infantry formation

『遂命諸技, 一時呈技, 隊長在前, 橙牌居次, 砲手又居次, 筤筅、長搶、三枝搶, 又次次居之, 迭相進退, 左旋右抽, 各臻其妙。』
"(He) then ordered various branches to perform (their) skills together, captain at the front, (rattan) shields formed the next rank, gunners formed the rank after next, and Lang Xian, pikes, tridents formed subsequent ranks. Then (they) arrayed in intervals (and) advanced and retreated by turn, spun left and drawn right, each had its own ingeniousness."
Korean description of Ming infantry formation under Chen Yin (陳寅) during a military demonstration.

『南兵每隊原有銅鍋外,每名椰瓢一箇,每隊斧二把,鎬頭一把。除銃兵牌手原有腰刀外,其筅、鎗、鎲手各要快利腰刀一把,不拘一式。狼筅鎲兵各帶火箭十枝。』
“Beside the copper pot originally given to every Southern troop squad, every (soldier) (should be given) a coconut ladle, every squad (should be given) two axes (and) one pickaxe. Beside the swords originally owned by gunners and shieldbearers, every other Lang Xian, pike, and Tang Pa troop should be given a sharp sword, irrespective of the types (of swords). Every Lang Xian and Tang Pa troop (should) carry ten rockets.”
— Excerpt of Jing Lue Fu Guo Yao Bian (《經略復國要編》), detailing various equipment provided to Ming Southern troops during the first invasion.

Conjectured Imjin War-era Ming Southern infantry formation. This image is cropped, edited and pieced together from various Ming military treatises and training manuals by myself.

26 April 2022

Patron only: Post-Ulsan skirmishes

6 December 2021

Patron only: Battle of Bantan

28 March 2018

Battle of Byeokjegwan — Part 2: aftermath and analysis

MINOR UPDATE JANUARY 25, 2024




After Battle of Byeokjegwan, Ming reportedly suffered 264 deaths, 49 injured, and lost 276 horses (Translator's Note: It should be noted that most of the Ming casualties were inflicted on Li Ru Song's 1,000-strong retinue cavalry. This means nearly 33% of his men were taken out). Li You Sheng (李有升), one of the loyal retainers of Li Ru Song renowned for his bravery, also fell in battle. Unlike Ming, Japanese records did not provide reliable casualty figures for this battle. However, an inspection report after Japanese army retreated to the southern coasts of Korea revealed the remaining strength of some of the participants of Battle of Byeokjegwan. Discounting Suetsugu Motoyasu and Kikkawa Hiroie (who were not included in the inspection), the remaining strength of Japanese forces is given in the short list below:

  • Kobayakawa Takakage: 6,600 men (was 8,000 before the battle) 

    (Translator's Note: This is actually a mistake on the original author's part. Kobayakawa Takakage initially brought 5,000 men to Korea. The size of his army actually grew by 1,600 after Battle of Byeokjegwan because he received new reinforcement from Japan)

  • Kobayakawa Hidekane: 400 men (out of 1,500 men originally from Nagoya Castle)

  • Tachibana Muneshige and Takahashi Munemasu: 1,133 men and 290 men respectively (Tachibana siblings had around 3,000 men combined before the battle)

    (Translator's Note: This appears to be a typo on the original author's part. The number recorded in Nihon Senshi is 1,132, not 1,133)

  • Tsukushi Hirokado: 330 men (out of 900 men originally from Nagoya Castle)

21 March 2018

Battle of Byeokjegwan — Part 1: a detailed reconstruction

Per Gunsen History's request, let's talk about Imjin War!

I rarely write about Imjin War topic. Truth be told I don't recall ever written anything about it in this blog, as various sources and analyses usually contradict each other, making the prospect of doing an through overview on the subject difficult. I also lack academic expertise, time, and resource to do independent research on my own.

That being said, I am well aware of the scarcity of English-language resources on this subject. To make matters worse, most English resources do not make use of many Chinese primary sources, thus painting an incomplete and often biased picture on the war.

Luckily, there has been growing interest in Imjin War from China as well, especially among the Mainland Chinese netizens. I often find their studies on Imjin War highly comprehensive and informative, as what they lacked in professional academic training they more than made up with access to vastly greater range of primary and secondary sources, mastery of all the languages used in these sources (namely Chinese and Japanese, as most ancient Korean documents were also written in Chinese), better understanding of the cultural quirks and norms of the period (being Chinese and all), deeper focus, and attention to details, as the following reconstruction of Battle of Byeokjegwan will show.

Before I start though, I should reiterate that this article is NOT written by me — I merely translated it to English (with some heavy formatting on my part) for wider audience. The original Chinese articles can be found here and here.




『吾兵雖云乘勝,實遠來疲罷。倭奴集各道之兵与王京,且有以虎視石之戒,正未可輕敵也。』
"Although our troops appear to be on high morale (following the victory at Pyongyang), in reality they are already weary from the long march. The Japanese are recalling their troops from various provinces to the Capital, so we should heed to the wisdom of  'assigning a tiger to keep watch on a stone', and not to underestimate them."

11 January 2017

Some random mythbustings — Wokou Edition

Many of the enemies of Ming Dynasty are equally as misunderstood as the Chinese themselves. Wokou (倭寇), or Japanese pirates, were a particularly misunderstood bunch.

Myth 1. Hai Jin (海禁, lit. 'Sea ban') or maritime trade prohibition constituted the Wokou phenomenon.

『倡海市以息亂者,全無後慮,且不知致亂之原蓋在於法弛,而非有嚴法以致之。吾恐市一開,而全浙危矣。』
"Those that suggest to open maritime trade in order to pacify the turmoil have no regard for consequences at all, and (they) have no idea that this chaos is caused by lawlessness instead of stringent law. I am afraid that if the trade is opened, entire Zhejiang will be in dire danger."
— Wan Biao (萬表), protesting the ridiculous notion of opening trade to pacify Wokou, in his book Hai Kou Yi (《海寇議》).

Wako pillage and rape
Wokou engaging in rape and pillage, from 'Tai Ping Kang Wo Tu (《太平抗倭圖》)'.

18 August 2016

Ming, Qing and Japanese armour components: A brief introduction and analysis

UPDATED NOVEMBER 10, 2022


Ming Qing Japanese Armour Glossaries
Left: An unnamed Ming Jin Yi Wei (錦衣衛, lit. 'Brocade-clad guard') in parade gear. Middle: Fu De (富德), a Manchu commander of Plain Yellow Banner. Right: Yamanaka Yukimori (山中幸盛) with his characteristic crescent moon crested helmet.
This blog post is intended to be an introductory article to Chinese armours of Ming and Qing period, their individual components, as well as a comparison between their similarities and differences. I also included a Japanese armour to the analysis in the hope that it can highlight the design considerations that went into each of these armours.

8 July 2016

Impression: Sengoku Jidai: Shadow of the Shogun

As a casual gamer, most turn-based strategy games that I've played are essentially JRPG at heart: Strong storyline, large cast of memorable characters, and awesome ultimate moves that let a single man (usually main character) to turn the tide of battle...or rearrange entire landscape. This kind of turn-based strategy games naturally revolve around pitting a few but very strong units (your main character and his sidekicks) against large number of inferior units (enemy mooks). More hardcore-ish games such as Fire Emblem series (permanent character death!) or even harder ones like Battle of Wesnoth already give me headache.

Enter Sengoku Jidai: Shadow of the Shogun.

Sengoku Jidai: Shadow of the Shogun
Awesome!
Having so used to games that give you complete control on every unit, level advantages and plot armours, a heavily rule-based game that tries to simulate historical battles as realistic as possible and let you and your opponent fight on (more or less) equal terms can feel extremely hard. I play mostly skirmish and, aside from a couple lucky victories, mostly end up with me on the losing side.

But great fun I've had.

And I especially loved the almost perfect blend of very awesome music, ukiyo-e art style, ink brush calligraphic characters and East Asian seal button interface.

Sengoku Jidai: Shadow of the Shogun is definitely a must-have for wargame enthusiasts and lovers of East Asian history. Anyone interested can grab it here or from Steam.

Opinion on various factions in game

(Revisited and updated on March 16, 2021 to reflect my current understanding of East Asian warfare.)

As befitting the nature of this blog, I will not delve too deep into the gameplay and mechanical aspects of the game, but rather spell out my impression on different factions, especially the Chinese ones in the game. I will still discuss a little bit about the game itself later on though.

I was drawn into this video game because I get to play as Ming (just look at the title of this blog), although I end up playing as Jurchens most of the time. In general, the developers really have done a good job keeping all sides balanced while maintaining a relatively high degree of historical accuracy.

Ming Chinese

I am overall impressed with the developer's decision to make a shooty Ming army, as that's how I imagine Ming Chinese fought historically (modus operandi of Ming army: Shoot'em, shoot some more. Blast with cannons and rockets when enemy get closer. Engage close combat and mopping-up. Avoid pursuing too far.) Then again, I do think there's still room for improvements:
  • Ming faction as a whole should do better in close combat. Getting slaughtered by samurai in close combat is understandable (however debatable), but they should be able to fight ashigaru on more or less equal footing at the very least. Seeing Ming troops losing to non-warrior monk Joseon infantry in close combat simply defile belief.
  • All Ming units, both on foot and mounted, should come in mixed battalions with access to ranged weaponry including bow, handgun, matchlock, salvo (to represent rocket), and regimental guns.
  • Single capability units should be limited to smaller "specialist detachment".
  • All Ming cavalry should be armoured or well-armoured, as well as of average, superior or elite quality. They should also make up the majority of Imjin War lists and Northern Army lists. 
  • No heavy European cannons in pre-1620 lists. Come to think of it, I am fine with only one type of artillery unit (medium artillery). Ming army has more than enough light artillery in the form of attached regimental guns anyway.
  • Similar to regular Ming units, tribal auxiliaries should also come in mixed battalions, except they use crossbow and javelins instead of bow and matchlock.
  • I would like to see a Wokou-era list that emphasises on unarmoured infantry, tribal auxiliaries, and Qi's army (i.e. Mandarin Duck Formation), as well as a historically accurate Ming Northern Army list with war carts, cavalry, mounted infantry, and dragoons.
  • I would also like to see various Southern Ming/Ming remnant factions being represented.

Jurchen

"...for such is the quickness and nimbleness of the Tartars (in which they excel all Nations, and idn which also they place their chief art) that in a trice, they either prevail in their Designs, or retire: and the little skill the Chineses had in the use of Musquets, was no small hinderance to this War."
Martino Martini, in his book Bellum Tartaricum.

Jurchen is my favourite faction in the game (cavalry are tons of fun!), yet it is also the least fleshed out faction. Current Jurchen just feels like a recolored Mongol to me, but this is understandable though, as very few researches had been done on early Jurchen/Manchu history. Since I don't usually discuss about Qing military history in my blog, I will take this chance to write something about them.

The biggest difference between Jurchens and Mongols was that Jurchens were NOT nomads. Jurchen people were sedentary or semi-agricultural people living in hilly and forested area, and their lifestyle naturally lend to very different military composition and tactics than the Mongols. Despite horseback archery being their best known trait, Jurchen warriors were equally deadly in close combat and on foot (as mounted infantry). Their expertise in foot combat was one of the reasons they were able to tear down Ming wagon forts and defeat them whilst the Mongols were hard-pressed to do so.

One particular feature of early Jurchen army is that they were very well-armoured. Almost the entire Jurchen army was armoured, and a significant portion used bardings and wore multiple armours at the same time. Jurchen troops utilised their war carts offensively, not just in siege but also in field battle, to counter Ming wagon forts and field fortifications.

In game terms, Jurchen faction should be a hybrid of (original) Japanese and Ming Chinese, featuring heavy emphasis on armour, shock tactic and close combat like the Japanese, but with mixed units like the Chinese. In a sense, Jurchen/Manchu should be the overpowered faction of this game. After all, they managed to roll over a militarily improved Joseon Dynasty, TWICE, with only half the troops mobilised by Japan during Imjin War, and in a much shorter time span (not to mention they also gave Ming one hell of a beating).
  • I want my Sanggiyan Bayara (lit. 'White-armoured guards') elite cavalry. Seeing my generals and their guards slaughtered by mounted samurai feels utterly ridiculous, since historically Japan had the worst cavalry out of all involved factions.
  • Jurchen cavalry should be well-armoured cavalry of superior or above quality with light lancers, swordsmen, and bow. They should no longer evade charge.
  • Jurchen (mounted) infantry should be armoured or well-armoured, with 25% spearmen, 25% heavy weapon, 50% swordsmen, and 50% bow.
  • Jurchen army should have access to offensive war cart unit that acts as damage sponge.
  • Skirmisher cavalry should be renamed Khorchin Mongol auxiliaries.

Qing

The portrayal of Qing army is generally fine, although the lack of spearmen bothers me. Historically, Qing army gradually became lighter armoured as time went on. By eighteenth century, they already ditched most of the heavy armours of their Jurchen predecessors, although some bannermen still wore light mail shirts or two-piece brigandines to battle. They also switched to Western-style cannons and had their own names for different cannons.
  • Depending on the period, a Qing army list can consist of armoured cavalry and mounted close combat infantry supported by Han Chinese artillerymen, or masses of unarmoured horse archers and matchlockmen (and a few spearmen) with even more cannons.
  • Remove all Chinese cannons and replace them with equivalent European-style cannons.
  • I would like to see the famous Tiger of War being represented.

Mongol

The game divides the Mongol faction into Western Mongol and Eastern Mongol, although I don't see many differences between the two. Mongol army lists are okay for the most part, if a little uninspiring. Historically, Mongols during this period actually received a lot of influence from the Chinese, to the extend that they actively adopted Ming-style armours and equipment such as San Yan Chong (三眼銃) and Chinese cannons.
  • Compared to Ming Chinese, a Mongol list should have lower ratio of armoured cavalry, higher ratio of superior quality cavalry, and no infantry.
  • All Mongol units should be made cheaper to reflect the superior mobility of steppe nomads and their ability to concentrate larger number of troops for any given battle.
  • I would like to see a "militarised" Mongol list with higher ratio of armoured cavalry, cavalry armed with both bow and handgun, and some mounted infantry with regimental guns.
  • A Dzungar Khanate list that has flintlock-armed cavalry, dragoons, musketeers, and camel cannons can open up highly unusual army composition and playstyle to the otherwise bland faction.

Japan

Since Sengoku Jidai: Shadow of the Shogun is a primarily a Japan-focused game, Japanese army lists in the game are fairly detailed and highly accurate. There are no outright unhistorical unit such as katana-wielding samurai or female samurai in this game (unlike certain other Total War game).

I do, however, have serious issue with Japanese cavalry. Japan is the only faction in game with access to all-superior and elite cavalry, all of them armoured. This put the faction above not only Chinese and Koreans, but Mongols and Jurchens in cavalry warfare!

Historically, mounted samurai made up as little as 5% of the army's combatants, and even armies with higher numbers of mounted samurai rarely went above 15%. Moreover, many mounted samurai took up commanding roles, and those that actively engaged in combat usually fought together with their foot retainers, or formed the mounted element of a larger, mixed formation. Only a very minuscule number of mounted samurai actually fought as true cavalry, and these were usually formed on an ad-hoc basis. As such, Japan was seriously lacking in the experience of large scale cavalry tactics and warfare. 
  • The basic unit of Japan faction should be sonae, a mixed battalion that can do a little bit of everything. 
  • Single capability units should be limited to smaller "specialist detachment".
  • Nerf mounted samurai, no so much in their quality, but in their numbers. Mounted samurai should come in significantly smaller units (50~300 men per unit, in contrast to Ming cavalry that can go as high as 1,000~3,000 men in a single unit), and there should be fewer of them. 

Wokou

I will only touch a little on Wokou, as more detailed information about them can be found here.
  • A Wokou list should be made up of massed of unarmoured warriors and mobs of varying qualities, supported by small numbers of superior quality crack troops (i.e. rōnin).
  • Wokou units should be small in size (i.e. fewer troops in a single unit), but cheap enough that the player can field a lot of them.

Joseon Korean

Despite Ming and Joseon being close ally during this time period, my knowledge regarding Joseon military is fairly limited, since I can't read Korean at all. Generally speaking, Joseon army during the onset of Imjin War was extremely weak, so much so that it simply crumbled before the might of Japanese warriors without putting up much of a fight, losing seven out of eight Korean provinces in mere months. Nevertheless, at least a portion of Joseon army was retrained by officers of Ming Southern Army during the interbellum of Imjin War, and took on a more Chinese characteristic afterwards.
  • Considering the abysmal performance of Joseon army durin the Imjin War, I find the notion that Joseon troops overpowering Ming troops in close combat difficult to swallow.
  • Joseon regulars should be of raw to average quality across the board, but come in fairly large unit size.
  • Righteous army infantry should be represented by superior quality warriors with no noteworthy combat capabilities to better reflect their high motivation/determination but poor training and organisation.
  • Joseon cavalry (especially cavalry from Hamgyong Province) should be comparable to Ming cavalry in quality, but with poorer equipment and less access to handgun.
  • Joseon army should only have access to light artillery in the form of jincheonroe bombard and/or hwacha. 

These opinions will probably completely overturn current game balance. I was probably asking for too much.

Other Tidbits

  • While I understand the current game rule is based on Pike and Shot, which is itself based on Field of Glory tabletop wargaming system, I do wish for more control of my unit, especially during the melee phase and automated pursue. Even a simple "rally" option from nearby commanders (with a leadership based success rate) can give me much more sense of control.
  • Option to toggle off reactive shooting for unit in hiding.
  • As archery still played a major role in warfare in this part of the world, I think a clearer distinction between different types of bow (just like Field of Glory: Renaissance did with arquebus and musket) can make the game much more interesting. Generally speaking, Ming, Mongol and Joseon bows have longer range and consistent damage (even more so if we take Pyeonjeon into consideration), whereas Manchu and Japanese bows have shorter range, but extremely powerful up close.
  • Both Japanese and Mongol/Jurchen horses are said to be very adaptable to rough terrain, perhaps this should be reflected in game.
  • I hope the game simulates enfilade fire with archers and crossbowmen, instead of just artillery.
  • Equivalent of Honjin or camp for other factions, preferably something that other unit may "park" inside. 
  • Native names for Jurchen and Mongol units. Manchu units can keep their Chinese names though.
  • Weather effect that affect gameplay, such as heavy downpour or strong wind.

29 June 2016

Enemy of the Ming — Jia Jing Da Wo Kou (嘉靖大倭寇) — Part 2

UNDER REVISION


A period of strife was also a period of heroics (or villainy) and tragedies. A great many Wokou leaders rose to prominence during the chaotic period. Many of them met tragic ends, but not before carving out a legend of their own.

Shuangyu Port period (1526 – 1548)

Jin Zi Lao (金子老, “Gold elder”) (active ? – 1542)

A sea trader hailing from Fujian who was shrouded in mystery, Jin Zi Lao first appears in written records when he hooked up with the Portuguese at the smuggling port of Shuangyu in 1538, making him one of the earliest known Chinese smugglers to establish operation at Shuangyu port (the Portuguese had seized control of the island since 1526). At some point Jin Zi Lao recruited Li Guang Tou under his wing, however in 1542 he abruptly returned to Fujian and was never heard from again. It is speculated that he was usurped by his right-hand man.

Li Guang Tou (李光頭, “Baldy Li”) (active 1529 – 1548)

Also known as Li Qi (李七), Li Guang Tou was a convict serving in Fuzhou prison until a massive and bloody prison break in 1529 allowed him to escape to the sea. Leading fellow fugitives, Chinese outlaws and Portuguese alike, Li Guang Tou quickly emerged as a powerful pirate, and was soon recruited by Jin Zi Lao to be his right-hand man. After the latter returned to Fujian, he took over the smuggling business at Shuangyu port and became a powerful pirate lord, terrorising the coasts of Zhejiang and Fujian for years. Li Guang Tou finally met his end when rampant smuggling and piratical activities at Shuangyu caught the attention of Ming court. Although he survived the destruction of Shuangyu at the hands of Grand Coordinator Zhu Wan (朱紈) in 1548, he was captured then executed during the subsequent Battle of Zoumaxi (走馬溪) one year later.

Xu Dong (許棟) (active 1529 – 1554)

Also known as Xu Er (許二), Xu Dong was a fellow inmate of Li Guang Tou and escaped prison during the same prison break incident. He began his clandestine business after reuniting with his younger brother Xu Nan (許楠), who was a smuggler that mostly traded in Malacca and Patani, and was soon joined by his other brothers, the eldest brother Xu Song (許松), and the youngest brother Xu Zi (許梓). In 1543 Xu Dong joined force with Li Guang Tou and began to operate out of Shuangyu port, and the joining of Wang Zhi (王直) in 1544 enabled him to establish trade relation with Japan. His smuggling business did not always go smoothly, however, with Xu Song captured and executed by Ming Dynasty in 1545, Xu Nan died in a shipwreck, and Xu Zi fled Shuangyu to join another pirate Lin Jian (林剪) after failing to deliver his promised shipment to the Portuguese due to the aforementioned shipwreck. Despite the setbacks, Xu Dong continued to grow his power by essentially conning unsuspecting Chinese merchants to join his smuggle operation. To repay his missed shipment to the Portuguese, he enticed them to raid the coasts of Fujian and Zhejiang, and in 1547 he joined up with Lin Jian to launch a large-scale raid himself, causing a massive turmoil in Fujian and Zhejiang. The raid was also one of the major triggers that lead to Ming Dynasty deciding to take action against Shuangyu port.

Xu Dong survived the destruction of Shuangyu in 1548 and seems to continuously elude capture (despite a few accounts of Ming army capturing or killing him), resuming piratical activities a mere two months later. In July 1548 he raided the relatively defenceless Funing County (福寧, a Ming period administrative division that encompass present-day Xiapu County, Ningde City, Fuding City, and Fu'an City) with more than 300 remnants from Shuangyu, looting dozens of households and killed five guards as well as seven resisting locals, then escaped to the sea through Pingyang County. He once again raided Fu Ning on August 6~7, 1548, this time with a much larger force of more than 40 ships, over 1,000 pirates, as well as significant numbers of Portuguese and Southeast Asians (mainly Pahangnese). However, Ming army under commander Ke Qiao (柯喬) was much more prepared this time around and decisively crushed the pirates, killing and drowning many and scattering the rest, although Xu Dong managed to get away. The last time Ming military had seen of him was during a incidental naval encounter near the border of Fujian and Zhejiang in September 1548. Although Ming navy defeated the pirate fleet, Xu Dong once again escaped. 

Xu Dong was said to be still active as late as 1554, trying to recruit Wokou from Japan to raid Guangzhou, although it is said that he met his end at the hands of indigenous people of Xiaoliuqiu (小琉球, likely referring to Taiwan) during his return trip for trying to steal the plantation on the island.

Lin Jian (林剪) (active ? – 1547)

A powerful Fujianese pirate that terrorised the coasts of Fujian and Zhejiang for decades, but largely kept his distance from the Portuguese at Shuangyu. In 1547 he went to Pahang Sultanate and recruited significant numbers of Pahangnese pirates to launch a joint pirate raid with Xu Dong (許棟), however later in the same year he was utterly wiped out by the Portuguese for reasons unknown.


Free-for-all period (1548 – 1553)

after the destruction of Shuangyu

Wang Zhi (王直) (active ? – 1559) (Undergoing revision)

Wang Zhi Wokou
Bronze statue of Wang Zhi outside of Matsura Historical Museum, Japan.

23 June 2016

Enemy of the Ming — Jia Jing Da Wo Kou (嘉靖大倭寇) — Part 1

UPDATED DECEMBER 30, 2022


Section of the scroll painting 'Wakō-zukan (《倭寇図巻》)' currently kept at the University of Tokyo, depicting a Wokou raid. 

Cause of Jia Jing Da Wo Kou

Jia Jing Da Wo Kou (嘉靖大倭寇, lit. 'Great Japanese Pirates of Jiajing period') is a term that can be used to refer to both a specific period (roughly from 1546 to 1567 A.D.) that saw a drastic spike in piratical raids on Chinese soil, as well as the pirates that were active during said period. Despite being called "Japanese pirates", many Wokou were actually multinational/extranational and included Japanese, Europeans, Southeast Asians, as well as significant numbers of Chinese among their ranks. Nevertheless, it would be foolish, and in fact disingenuous, to use heavy Chinese involvement in Wokou activities as a basis to argue for the notion that Jia Jing Da Wo Kou was a “mostly Chinese phenomenon" caused by Ming Dynasty's draconian Haijin (海禁) policy forcing oppressed people to turn to a life of piracy. Such notion not only downplays and whitewashes the active involvement of foreign actors, but also ignores the multitudes of complex external factors that sparked the phenomenon.  

1 July 2015

Interesting comparison between different warships of the Far East in the sixteenth and seventeenth century

I came across this interesting comparison at Baidu Tieba, although the original post has since been deleted. The original comparison is a simple table written entirely in Chinese, so I translated the table to English and added a few commentaries.


Weight of Cannon (lbs)*
<500
500
1000
1500
2000
3000
4000>
Sixteenth Century Portuguese Galley
34+



Ming Dynasty Feng Zhou (early)
30+





Ming Dynasty Feng Zhou (late)
14+





Mark 1 Warship of Qi Ji Guang's fleet (early)
9+1




Mark 1 Warship of Qi Ji Guang's fleet (late)
14+
2



Tekkōsen
48 – 70
3





Geobukseon**
20 – 30+





Advanced Ming Dynasty War Junk
30+14 – 22

6 – 8
Koxinga-era Gong Chuan
100 – 200+20+


1
Dutch Hired Vessel 'Graaf Hendrik'
??810882
Mông Đồng






1 – 2
* Although weight of shot is a more reliable measure of firepower, Chinese records seldom mention them. Chinese gunners also frequently loaded their guns with multiple smaller shots in addition to the main shot (which made them less powerful), making measurement purely by weight of shot very misleading.
** This assume a late variant of Geobukseon/Turtle ship with significantly improved armaments, due to the fact that very little is known about the early, Imjin War-era Geobukseon.

Feng Zhou (封舟, lit. 'Investiture ship')

Chinese Feng Zhou
A Qing Dynasty Feng Zhou, from 'Ce Feng Liu Qiu Tu (《冊封琉球圖》)'.

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